From Abomination to
Indifference: A Visual Analysis of Transgender Stereotypes in the Media
Paul Martin Lester
lester@fullerton.edu
October 2014
A chapter for Transgender Communication Studies: History, Trends and Trajectories
Lexington Books
In
Deuteronomy, the fifth book of the Hebrew Bible, the Jewish Pentateuch, and the
Old Testament, Moses revealed a long list of laws. More famous for his Ten
Commandments, these rules, although not cut in stone, were also part of his
constant concern to keep the Israelites in line. Not making it on his top ten
list were essentials he thought were needed for a pious life, such as: If you
come across an ox on the ground, you must try to pick it up; if you find a
birdÕs nest, the eggs may be taken, but leave the mother alone. However, another
important law for Moses was not related to walking along a road: ÒA woman shall
not wear a manÕs garment, nor shall a man put on a womanÕs cloak, for whoever
does these things is an abomination to the Lord your GodÓ (22:3-6). Although Moses reportedly lived to the age
of 120, it is probably good he did not exist in more recent times to watch the
infamous cloak wearer Bela Lugosi in Dracula
(1931) or the adorable tie and vest sporter Diane Keaton in the eponymous Annie Hall (1977). As a religious
fundamentalist, Moses was so disgusted by cross-dressers that he labeled such
persons abominations.
This
work is not so concerned with actual or fictionalized cross-dressers played
with hammy gusto by John Travolta in Hairspray
(2007) or with reserved aplomb by Julie Andrews in Victor Victoria (1982). This chapter concentrates on visual
messages of persons who were swaddled as babies with a blanket that should have
been a different color. Focused on visual communication and through analyses of
selected popular culture examples presented in film, on television, and for the
Web, this chapter argues that transgender stereotypes that rely on visual
messages get their power from the concept of disgust, a basic response to a
particular stimulus that, for most persons, has emotional as well as physical
reactions. With such powerful responses, it is no wonder that creators of pornographic
materials often use disgust as a lure to attract viewers who find the visual
messages entertaining. When transpersons are part of storylines that purposely
evoke disgust in viewers, whether for dramatic or comedic purposes, the use of disgust
becomes another form of pornography while the visual stereotypes shown are
difficult for many to erase from their minds.
Images Must Be Analyzed
Mass media
function as one primary source of visual stereotypes. Because
images—whether in print or on screens—affect a viewer emotionally
more than words alone, repeated visual stereotypes often contribute to
misinformed perceptions that have the weight of established facts. As Hill and Helmers (2004) explained,
Òlike verbal texts, [images] can be used to prompt an immediate, visceral
response, to develop cognitive (though largely unconscious) connection over a
sustained period of time, or to prompt conscious analytical thought.Ó
Consequently, visual messages are the best media to Òinstantiate values and
stir up strong emotionsÓ (pp. 5, 11).
The mass media
are about the only place where persons regularly and over a long time see
members from other cultural groups. Views of the ÒotherÓ fill the pages of newspapers
and magazines, are shown on television, projected within darkened movie
theaters, and glow on computer screens. However, when most of those media
images are stereotypical, viewers are not challenged to examine the bases for
their personal prejudices. For example, media often portray transpersons as
needing to ÒpassÓ as their chosen gender using outlandish makeup and costumes
and dramatizing bizarre behaviors that support preconceived stereotypes.
Passing as a concept became necessary when persons considered as ÒothersÓ
wanted to participate in the benefits afforded those of the dominant culture
without detection. Passing may be required because of perceived differences in
race, class, religion, gender, or another identity among dominant and non-dominant
individuals. In dark-skin cultures, it is called Òcolorism.Ó For example, those
with African and Indian backgrounds have learned that if they have lighter skin
they will have a perceived advantage over those darker in hue. Some resort to
skin bleaches and other techniques. Think of Michael JacksonÕs quest to fool
everyone into believing he was Anglo or Elle
magazine executives accused of lightening the skin of Aishwarya Rai Bachchan
and Gabby Sidibe (Hilton, n. d.). Other cultural groups have their own forms of
passing. In F. Scott FitzgeraldÕs novel The
Great Gatsby, those without economic means try to blend with the wealthy
classes. Religious passing has a more sinister history. For example, the motion
picture Europa Europa (1990) tells
the story of Jewish men who attempted surgery to restore their foreskins to
pass as Gentiles in order to escape the horrors of the Holocaust. Passing then, is a thoroughly visual phenomenon, not only for
transpeople, but for other groups as well.
Because images
are so powerful, we must take them seriously. Theorists John Berger and Roland
Barthes offer field-defining perspectives for thinking carefully about images.
Berger is most known for his works About
Looking (1980) and Ways of Seeing (1972).
In Looking, he wrote that image
analysis must be Òseen in terms which are simultaneously personal, political,
economic, dramatic, everyday and historicÓ (1980, p. 51). In studying any
image—whether still or moving—adequate time and seriousness must be
afforded to the analytical process because of the multiple meanings and
contexts any image exhibits. BarthesÕs Camera
Lucida: Reflections on Photography (1981) is considered a classic in the
field. For Barthes, certain images that have strong emotional content, from
news photographs of disasters to personal snapshots of loved ones, can affect
and be remembered by a person until death.
All
communication, whether verbal or visual, is composed of two major types of
messages: the literal and the symbolic, otherwise known in semiotic terms as
denotative and connotative. For Barthes (1981), images that are denotative are
similar to the literal concept because they describe actual experience. Literal
or denotative messages can cross cultural boundaries for a more global,
universally intended meaning. Almost anyone, regardless of group membership,
will recognize and understand literal meanings in words and pictures. A
traditional toothy smile of a person posing for a snapshot, for example,
usually translates well across cultures and is quickly understood. Conversely,
symbolic signs often require in-depth analysis in order to discern their
meaning or function. Almost all members of the same cultural group will
understand connotative communications. That shared meaning is what helps form
and bond a group because they have the same history, experiences, language, and
so on. Many times, however, symbolic images are a mystery for outsiders because
they form their meaning from specific cultures and historical contexts. A
close-lipped ironic smile of a death row prisoner may be considered more
symbolic than literal.
Barthes (1981)
attempted to combine the literal elements of an image into the term he named studium. He then combined the symbolic
and connotative terms into another, the punctum.
Studium, Latin for Òhobby,Ó stands
for an image analysis role that is a long-term, culturally informed, and
carefully considered interpretation of the meaning of a picture. The term
referred to Òa kind of general, enthusiastic commitmentÓ (p. 26).
From the Latin
for puncture or wound, the punctum,
however, is a raw Òhit in the gutÓ reaction that one sometimes feels when an
image is so powerful it resists immediate interpretation because of, perhaps,
its disgusting content. For Barthes (1981), the punctum Òis that accident which pricks me (but also bruises me, is
poignant to me)Ó and can be an entire image or a detail within a frame. These
often shocking pictures can make a person audibly gasp at a first viewing
because of their content. They are retained in a personÕs long-term memory
without a filter or a need of verbal interpretation (pp. 27, 43). For Roland
Barthes, portrayals that are meant to shock audience members are examples of punctum; visual messages meant to
educate others form his studium
concept.
Julia SeranoÕs Whipping Girl (2007), a seminal work
concerned with transpersons and femininity, illustrates the concept of punctum. For Serano, the media usually
portray two stereotypical archetypes of transpersons—the deceptive and
the pathetic. Deceivers as shown in media productions are usually considered a
threat as they successfully pass as women in order to retaliate against men in
Òan unconscious acknowledgment that both male and heterosexual privilege is
threatened by transsexualsÓ (p. 38). Both of SeranoÕs archetypes fall into
BarthesÕs punctum
concept—audience members are surprised at the reveal. In the deceivers
camp, Serano named the characters Dil (played by Jaye Davidson) in The Crying Game (1992), police
lieutenant Lois Einhorn (played by Sean Young) in Ace Ventura: Pet Detective, the title character in Myra Breckinridge (1970) (played by
Rachel Welch), as well as transwomen coming out in television episodes of Jerry Springer and the British reality
show, ThereÕs Something About Miriam.
Because pathetic characters are almost always included as a kind of humorous
diversion, they are not considered a threat and include Mark Shubb (played by
Harry Shearer) in The Mighty Wind
(2003) and John Cabell ÒBunnyÓ Breckinridge (played by Bill Murray) in Ed Wood (1994) (Serano, 2007, pp.
36-40). Such pathetic depictions rely on an audience member aware of the feeble
attempt at passing.
The underlying
and enduring message inherent in the studium
and the emotive power of the punctum
combine through the use of metaphors. It is through the human convention known
as the metaphor that meaning and a viewerÕs experiences are combined. Aristotle
wrote in Rhetoric, ÒIt is a great
thing, indeed, to make proper use of poetic forms. But the greatest thing by
far is to be a master of metaphorÓ (Lakoff & Johnson, 2003, p. 190). The
importance of metaphors for human understanding is that they bring the outside
in. What is experienced and what is known are shaped and altered by the ways
persons describe connections between the outside world and its interpretation
in the mind. ÒMetaphors serve,Ó wrote Kaplan (1990), Òas interpretive
frameworks for organizing information about the world and making sense of
experiencesÓ (p. 38). Lakoff and Johnson (2003) go further. For them, images
are powerful because Òno metaphor can ever be comprehended or even adequately
represented independently of its experiential basisÓ (p. 19). Experience
matters.
Rozin,
Haidt, & McCauley (2008) wrote that North American psychologists, social workers, and others identify
nine experiences related to disgust including Òfood, body
products, animals, sexual behaviors, contact with death or corpses, violations
of the exterior envelope of the body (including gore and deformity), poor hygiene,
interpersonal contamination (contact with unsavory human beings), and certain
moral offensesÓ (p. 757). As the term literally means bad
taste, most of the history of research related to disgust
involves the contact or consumption of revolting foods. However, there is
growing interest in the moral foundations of disgust associated with three of
the nine—sexual behaviors, violations of the exterior envelope of the
body, and certain moral offenses—as they can be linked to many criticisms
of storylines that involve transpersons.
Disgust
as an emotional response from a member of the dominant culture can also be
exhibited by care professionals who should know better and by some transpersons
who should be helped to overcome their repulsion toward their own bodies. As
Landau noted (2012), for many older members working in the health fields, Òtranssexuality was a ÔpathologicalÕ term used to describe
people who cross-dressed
and/or
modified their bodies through sex reassignment surgeryÓ (p. 184). Consequently,
medical doctors,
psychotherapists, and other professionals often did not receive adequate
training to counsel transgender individuals and were Òunaware of the
therapeutic needs of transgendered [sic]
people.Ó As a result, such clinicians hid their biases and exhibited Òa tone of
cynicism and disgustÓ (Lev, 2004, p. 19). Peers, of course, also have a
tremendous influence. In a survey of 129 students from an affluent suburban New
York high school, Fortuna (2007) discovered that Òstudents
were more likely to believe that transgender people are disgusting compared to
gay, lesbian, and bisexual peopleÓ (p. 37). When therapists and acquaintances feel disgust,
it is not surprising that clients and schoolmates can feel the same way about
themselves. Califia (1994) attributed self-hatred to such actions as
not practicing safe sex and in statements from survey respondents such as ÒWe
canÕt get rid of all that programming that says we are inferior, filthy,
disgusting, godless, and pathologicalÓ (p. xxv). In her book, How Sex Changed, Meyerowitz (2004) wrote
that doctors reported that their transmen patients had Òa sense of humiliation
or ÔdisgustÕ as their breasts developed and menstruation began, and some
[transwomen] expressed a feeling of hatred or revulsion toward their genitalsÓ
(p. 136).
Disgust has also
found its way into the legal system. Cram (2012) described attacks on transpersons by individuals
experiencing a Òtranspanic,Ó an extreme reaction that often leads to a physical
confrontation when passing is not an option. Defense attorneys have used
disgust as a legal argument to justify violent outbursts that sometimes lead to
death. Cram wrote, ÒAlthough there may be a cluster of
negative emotions such as animus, rage, or anger that motivate an individual to
commit a bias crime, defense pleas that rely upon ÔdeceptionÕ or ÔpanicÕ
attempt to legitimize feelings of disgust towards the person(s) attackedÓ (p.
418). In such crimes of passion, juries can be manipulated. ÒThe logic of the
defense,Ó wrote Cram Òrests on mobilizing the collective disgust of potentially
sympathetic jurors and public witnesses as a way of exonerating the
perpetratorÓ (p. 420). Of course, disgust as a defense is only as successful as
an attorneyÕs talent at choosing sympathetic jurors who are easily disgusted.
Nevertheless, disgust may also help explain why flamboyant transgender
stereotypes persist in the media—disgust as entertainment—or
perhaps more succinctly—disgust as pornography.
The technical term, qualia, or revulsion, is thought to be the most critical component
of disgust. When subjects are asked to reveal when they ever felt disgusted by
moral violations, most of the respondents admitted disgust was connected with
Òbetrayal, hypocrisy, and racismÓ (Rozin et al., 2008, p. 762). Although
repulsed, disgust makes one feel superior to those who for example, Òhave
sexual preferences at odds with the majorityÓ (Rozin et al., 2008, p. 766). One
of the reasons producers of television and motion picture programs create
stereotypes of transpersons is because viewers who feel disgust for a so-called
outlandish character can also be amused by such presentations. ÒThe delicate
boundary between disgust and pleasureÓ is often considered socially acceptable
when the experience is not personally threatening. However, on the streets,
violent behavior can be the result when disgust toward a transperson is linked
with hypocrisy, alienation, contempt, and anger (Rozin et al., 2008, pp. 769).
Disgust, Pornography and Visual Images
Even people who have no known
acquaintance with a transperson likely hold stereotyped views about
transpeople. Where does that knowledge come from? Family, friends, personal
experiences, and educational and religious institutions all contribute to what
a person believes. However, this chapter is not concerned with those
influences. As the most powerful contributors to the formulation of cultural
values—negative and positive—the mass media hold a special place in
the inculcation of transgender (and almost all other cultural) stereotypes. As
McAvan (2011) wrote, ÒTranssexual and transgendered
people have long been a figure of fascination and disgust in our culture,
typically being analyzed as pathological in É sensationalist fashion in the
mediaÓ (p. 24). Meyerowitz (2004) agreed with McAvan when she wrote, ÒIn the
popular culture, various media frequently cast transsexuals as ÔfreaksÕ or
ÔpervertsÕÓ (p. 11).
In an honest article on the web that described
his stereotypical past as a 12-year-old, Jefferson (2011) told of his amusement
at seeing the disgust fellow actors exhibited toward transpersons by gagging,
vomiting, and telling bad jokes in such shows as Ace Ventura: Pet Detective (1994), Naked Gun 33 1/3: The Final Insult (1994), Soapdish
(1991), and The Hangover Part II
(2011). The Internet Movie Database lists about 125
feature films that have a transgender character since the earliest flicker of a
celluloid strip moving through a motion picture projector. Boys DonÕt Cry (1999), Hedwig
and the Angry Inch (2001), and Dallas
Buyers Club (2013) are notable examples with critics mostly raving about
their plots and performances. However, as Nicola EvansÕs (1998) analysis of The Crying Game, with its cultural
sleight-of-hand in which the female love interest is revealed at the end as a
man, made clear, ÒDrag in contemporary Hollywood cinema gives us a touch of
innovation (cross-dressing) in order to sell us some very bland forms of sexism
and racismÓ (p. 214). Critical viewers must always consider the meaning of the
symbolism of iconic images presented on the screen as well as, particularly for
this discussion, the level of disgust evoked by the ways transpersons are
portrayed. As Lacan famously wrote, ÒWhatever is refused in the symbolic order, reappears in the realÓ (Miller, 1993, p. 71). That
is, an unperceived perception eventually becomes an uninvited mental irritant.
Disgust is certainly in play as a motivating
factor compounded by alienation, contempt, and anger in the murder of Brandon Teena
in Boys DonÕt Cry. It is nevertheless
difficult for most to understand why anyone would be so enraged as to commit
such a crime after it was discovered that a friend hid such a personal secret.
While the reason for the behavior of the killers is answered, the tragic
consequence of passing unsuccessfully was not the point of the work. As Cooper
(2002) noted, the motion picture Òhas far broader liberatory and societal
implications than just contradicting mediaÕs traditionally negative stereotypes
of sexual minorities [because it depicts] heteronormativityÕs bigotry toward
gender transgression and [condemns] the lack of social or political change that
could help eradicate such prejudiceÓ (pp. 57-58). The film therefore
transcended the storyline of a specific act of brutality when passing was
unsuccessful and made a general statement on violence. It was a noble and
honest depiction without resorting to stereotypes that elevated the work to
BartheÕs studium level of impact.
Despite all the good intentions expressed by the director and others, it was a
plus that Hillary Swank, a ciswoman who was awarded an Oscar for her
performance, was shown in the movie as a handsome young man with dark,
close-cropped hair, side-angled, diffused lighting that brought out the bone
structure on his face that often brightened with an endearing, infectious
smile, and a thin physique casually hidden inside an open-collar shirt and blue
jeans. His appearance was designed to be a metaphor for innocence and
adventure. Part of the success of the movie was that an audience member,
whether lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or cisgender could
therefore feel sympathetic and be allowed to feel a socially acceptable
attraction to a transman character.
Directed,
written, and acted by John Cameron Mitchell, Hedwig and the Angry Inch is a tale of an East German transwoman
singer who falls in love with an American soldier and elects to have surgery to
complete her transformation and please the man she loves. However, the
operation goes terribly wrong and leaves a one-inch penis lump. Gay actor Neil
Patrick Harris, fresh off his performance as a misogynistic cisman in How I Met Your Mother, played the title
role on Broadway for which he won the best actor in a musical Tony in 2014. The
film featured ample examples of show-stopping over-the-top theatrical
stereotypes that included rooms full of wigs. There was also lively double
entendre salad bar banter from the star such as, ÒWhen you think of huge
openings, many of you will think of me,Ó an ironic reference given the
condition of the maligned inch. With all of HedwigÕs challenges, in the end the
story was simply about looking for love and living with choices. Since its
first performance as a stage musical in 1997, it has inspired and aided many
trans-curious persons and has attracted a cult following (Jones, 2006, p. 465)
similar to the success of The Rocky
Horror Picture Show (1975) with Dr. Frank-N-Furter played by Tim Curry.
Nevertheless, transgender critics of Hedwig
have described the musical as disgusting primarily because of its stereotypical
storyline. As described by one blogger, the musical features
a transgender woman with botched SRS [sex
reassignment surgery] who appears to be completely insane and who in the end of
the production is portrayed as a streetwalker, calls herself a misfit and
loser, and appears to be incredibly gender-confused [and] portrayed by a gay
man with a questionable history regarding transgender sensitivity. It is
disgusting, revolting, and disheartening. (Transas City, 2014).
Although not a
transgender movie, one of the main characters in Dallas Buyers Club was Rayon, a transwoman played by cisactor Jared
Leto who was awarded an Academy Award for his performance. Time magazine writer Steve Friess (2014) expressed the outrage many
felt at the shrill stereotype that was Rayon:
What did the writers of Dallas Buyers Club and Leto as her portrayer decide to make Rayon?
Why, sheÕs a sad-sack, clothes-obsessed, constantly flirting transgender drug
addict prostitute, of course. There are no stereotypes about transgender women
that LetoÕs concoction does not tap. SheÕs an exaggerated, trivialized version
of how men who pretend to be women—as opposed to those who feel at their
core they are women—behave.
About
the popular stereotype of Rayon, one scholar wrote, ÒRepresentation is
important. And when a flawed version of a community of people wins a
prestigious award, it serves as a gateway for flawed understanding and
perceptions of that community to arise and persistÓ (Reddy, 2014, p. 4).
Compared with Brandon in Boys DonÕt Cry, Rayon became more obviously an object of pornographic
entertainment and an unfortunate model for future characterizations. As Reddy
noted, Boys:
treats Brandon as not only a character, but a
human in his own right, someone that despite his inherent ÔothernessÕ is equal
to the surrounding characters. Boys DonÕt
Cry trusts Brandon and tries to understand him, an integral component of
representation and one that is completely absent Rayon. (p. 41)
In addition to movies, television relies
upon visual depictions of transgender people that evoke disgust. Talk and
reality shows on television are easy targets as their overt purpose is almost
always to sensationalize, trivialize, and consumerize. Maury Povich, the
discredited journalist turned DNA-obsessed father-finder on many of his
confrontational daytime programs, is a master of BartheÕs punctum. He is especially infamous in the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) community for his ÒMan or Woman?Ó episodes in
which he surprised his audience members by revealing the sex assigned at birth
of his studio guests who were dressed in bathing suits or lingerie. The airings
were exploitive and mean-spirited (Fagerberg, 2013).
Special
condemnation, however, is reserved for the television personality RuPaul Andre
Charles of Atlanta. On his reality show modestly named RuPaulÕs Drag Race, he sponsored a competition named ÒFemale or
ShemaleÓ in which contestants were asked whether someone pictured was Òa
biological woman or a psychological woman.Ó Rooted in transgender pornography
and drag queen culture, ÒshemaleÓ is, according to GLAAD, defamatory and
Òserves to dehumanize transgender people and should not be usedÓ (Molloy,
2014).
In contrast, programs
available to watch through Web sites on computer monitors, tablets, and smart
phones seem to show fewer visual stereotypes than their traditional media
partners because they are produced by entities run by executives who can afford
to take chances. The pressures are not as high to bring in large numbers of
viewers. United KingdomÕs Sky Atlantic with show runner Paul Abbott produced
only six episodes of Hit or Miss,
available on the movie rental company Netflix (n.d.). The show featured the
ciswoman Chlo‘ Sevigny as an
Irish transwoman assassin-for-hire, Mia. The plot became more interesting after
she learned of a son she never knew existed and met her extended family with a
multitude of challenges. The production was noteworthy for its high quality
acting, cinematic visual elements, and a full-frontal nude shower scene in the
first episode revealing that Mia had a penis. The shot is acted so casually
that BarthesÕs punctum is never
evoked. The sensitive portrayal of a hardened killer coping with passing as a
woman and softened by an inherited family was a credit to the genre.
The Impact of Disgust, Pornography, and Visual
Stereotypes
Transgender
stereotypes portrayed visually invite negative interpretations by those who
have no independent personal experiences for a contrary viewpoint. Consequently,
these portrayals invite the inference that all transpersons behave in the same
way. The punctum hits the viewer in
the gut before the studium can soften
the emotion in the mind. Media
images of transgender people often rely on prurient, pornographic objectification—a
punctum approach—or guide a
viewer toward a more reasoned reaction—a studium perspective—mainly through the relative success or
failure of an individualÕs efforts at visually passing. Positive
examples are more studium than punctum—they make viewers think
more than they shock. The difference between visual messages that stereotype
and are thus vilified by scholars and programs that are admired for the stories
they tell has to do with the ways images are analyzed by the audience. They evoke
a higher level of consideration by their reliance on symbolism rather than
literal portrayals. Finally, they stimulate long-term memories by providing
metaphors that help link a spectator with the characterÕs story. The impersonal
becomes personal as objective and casual viewing becomes subjective and engaged
learning.
Disgust
as an emotional construct that includes hatred is important to consider as it
can be linked to the commodification of violence against transpersons as
entertainment, a form of visual pornography. Pornography can be understood as any extreme expression of speech,
anger, or physical conflict. Any producer of visual messages who shows persons
as objects in scenarios of degradation, injury, torture, fifth, or inferiority
in a context that makes these conditions voyeuristic is a pornographer. When
aggression towards transpersons is shown in mass media presentations for
entertainment purposes, the result can be considered a form of pornography. In Regarding
the Pain of Others, Sontag (2003) wrote, ÒAll images that display the
violation of an attractive body are, to a certain degree, pornographicÓ (p.
85). Visual portrayals that sensationalize transpersons to a level of disgust
for audience members would qualify under SontagÕs rubric.
Future Research Topics for Visual
Communicators
Looking
forward, I contend that future research at the intersection of transgender
studies and visual communication would benefit from the implementation of six
perspectives for analysis—personal, historical, technical, ethical,
cultural, and critical. These lenses for analysis will enable future
researchers to analyze past and contemporary transgender representations as
well as audience reactions pertaining to disgust and indifference (Lester,
2014, pp. 128-146).
As an initial,
subjective opinion, the personal perspective should be employed for studies
that determine the before-and-after views of subjects from diverse demographic
backgrounds after viewing programs that feature transgender
storylines—exploitive, stereotypical, and illustrative. The research
should attempt to discover the personal reasons disgust is often tied to
dramatic and comical transgender productions.
The historical
perspective approach should include in-depth biographies written by researchers
that delve deeply into the psyche of producers and actors responsible for
transgender presentations. Such work may uncover whether any historical trends
have common bonds that need to be broken or strengthen by contemporary
creators. Researchers should also conduct content analyses, framing, and
gatekeeping studies that reveal the trends in transgender visual stereotypes
particularly related to the practice of passing and the concept of disgust as
displayed in newspapers, magazines, and advertisements for print and screen
media.
As the technical
perspective concentrates on the decisions made to create works, future
researchers should study production values associated with transgender motion
pictures and television shows and discern how technical factors such as
hairstyles, makeup, clothing, mannerisms, dialog, lighting, settings, camera
angles, and so on affect viewer perceptions of passing while contributing or
ameliorating disgust reactions.
Evaluating the
choices made by producers is part of the ethical perspective. The role-related
responsibility of a maker of visual materials related to the topic of
transgender culture should be to educate, rather than to simply entertain,
viewers. If such a goal is attempted, then that creator is acting ethically as
long as any harm sensed by viewers can be justified. Academics should be
invited to oversee the production of programs to make sure fascination with a
storyline is not contingent on disgust and revulsion.
The cultural
perspective concentrates on the symbolic messages used to tell stories. The
popular concept of pornography, with disgust as its chief component, should be
expanded to include a critique of non-traditional forms of objectification and
abuse as featured by many transgender storylines.
Finally, the
critical perspective is employed to take a long-term, thoughtful, and objective
viewpoint of the transgender genre as shown by visual presentations. For
example, British actor and comedian Eddie Izard was interviewed on NPR
ostensibly for his ability to perform his stand-up act in English, French,
Spanish, or Arabic, depending on the preference of his audience. Inevitably the
conversation turned to his more famous proclivity of dressing as a woman with
(usually) a conservative dress, make-up, and heels. Sounding a bit exhausted
and perhaps disappointed by the question of why he dons this visual motif,
Izard replied with an answer that sums up the future of LGBTQ stereotypes:
If you think about it, gays and lesbians have
now got more boring than it was in the Õ50s, and ever in history before that.
So if you come in and say, I am a plumber, I happen to be gay, you go, OK,
well, you any good at plumbing? Yeah, IÕm pretty good at plumbing. Fine, I
donÕt really care if youÕre gay or straight or whatever, the plumbing thing is
the main thing I hired you for. And thatÕs what itÕs got to get to, you know?
ThatÕs where transgender has to get to (NPR Staff, 2014).
Conclusion
Rubin (2006) lamented the often stated and
unnecessary divisions that are invariably created when language is used to
divide rather than to unite persons. She wrote,
The fact that categories invariably leak and
can never contain all relevant Ôexisting thingsÕ does not render them useless,
only limited.... Instead of fighting for immaculate classifications and
impenetrable boundaries, let us strive to maintain a community that understands
diversity as a gift, sees anomalies as precious, and treats all basic
principles with a hefty dose of skepticism. (p. 479)
When
critical evaluations of transgender productions are accomplished by thoughtful
writers and researchers whether from academia or popular culture, presentations
should be created of transpersons with little regard to birth physicality, with
words and images that do not stereotype, and with storylines, actors, and
production decisions that promote positive values. It is then possible for the
goal of indifference to be realized. In a world where no one questions the
gender of any other person is a world where a plumber is judged by the quality
of the work rather than the size of her hands.
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